sub caste meaning in gujarati

Similarly, the Vanias were divided into such divisions as Disawal, Kapol, Khadayata, Lad, Modh, Nagar, Nima, Porwad, Shirmali, Vayada, and Zarola. : 11-15, 57-75). More­over, some leading Anavils did not wish to be bothered about Brahman status, saying that they were just Anavil. In some other cases, mainly of urban artisans, craftsmen and specialized servants, such as Kansaras (cop­per and bronze smiths), Salvis (silk weavers), Kharadis (skilled carpenters and wood carvers), Chudgars (bangle-makers) and Vahivanchas genealo­gists and mythographers), the small populations were so small and confined to so few towns that they had few subdivisions and the bounda­ries of their horizontal units were fairly easy to define. See a medical professional for personalized consultation. For example, all Vania divisions were divided into a number of ekdas or gols. The co-residence of people belonging to two or more divisions of the lower orders within a division of a higher order has been a prominent feature of caste in towns and cities. For ex­ample, among the Khadayata Vanias there are all-Khadayata associations as well as associations for the various ekdas and sometimes even for their tads (see Shah, Ragini 1978). In 1931, the Rajput’s of all strata in Gujarat had together a population of about 35,000 forming nearly 5 per cent of the total population of Gujarat. I have, therefore, considered them a first-order division and not a second-order one among Brahmans (for a fuller discussion of the status of Anavils, see Joshi, 1966; Van der Veen 1972; Shah, 1979). It owned corporate property, usually in the form of vadis (large buildings used for holding feasts and festivals, ac­commodating wedding guests, and holding meetings), huge utensils for cooking feasts, and money received as fees and fines. As could be expected, there were marriages be­tween fairly close kin, resulting in many overlapping relationships, in such an endogamous unit. The latter continued to be the provincial capital during Mughal rule. So far we have considered first-order divisions with large and widely spread populations. In the second kind of area, indigenous Kolis live side-by-side with immigrant Kolis from an adjoining area. The Vanias provide an example of such castes. Each ekda or gol was composed of a definite number of families living in certain villages and/or towns. The above brief analysis of change in caste in modern Gujarat has, I hope, indicated that an overall view of changes in caste in modern India should include a careful study of changes in rural as well as in urban areas in relation to their past. The very low Brahmans such as Kayatias and Tapodhans were invited but made to eat separately from the rest of the Brahmans. Sub-caste means jaat, each Varna is divided into multiple Jaats which is based on their ancestors’ professions, like: Brahmins are divided into multiple jaats namely: 1.Raajpurohit/Kulin Brahmana/Raajguru: Class of clergies; their service was initially only for royalties and aristocrats. Tapodhans were priests in Shiva temples. In the second-order divisions of the Vanias the small endogamous units func­tioned more effectively and lasted longer: although the hypergamous tendency did exist particularly between the rural and the urban sections in a unit, it had restricted play. I do not, however, have sufficient knowledge of the latter and shall, therefore, confine myself mainly to Rajputs in Gujarat. It is easy to understand that the pattern of change would be different in those first-order divisions (such as Rajput) or second-order divisions (such as Leva Kanbi) which did not have within them subdivisions of lower orders and which practised hypergamy extensively. Thus, Rawal/Raval refers to those who originally came from a family of commanders or kings. Broach, Cambay and Surat were the largest, but there were also a number of smaller ones. The Suthar community is mostly involved in the field of carpentry. Because of these two major factors, one economic and the other po­litical, Gujarat at the beginning of the 19th century had a large urban population, distributed over a large number of small towns. The unit might possess some other corporate characteristics also. It is quite a common Gujarati surname, and indicates that the person is a believer of Jainism. What I am trying to point out, however, is that greater emphasis on division (Pocock’s ‘difference’, Dumont’s ‘separation’. By the 18th century, Gujarati Lewa Kunbis distinguished themselves by two sub-categories: those who continued their traditional occupation as agriculturists, and those who had taken up revenue collection. The Chumvalias and Patanwadias migrated possibly from the same tract and continued to belong to the same horizontal unit after migration. The surname originates from a Sanskrit word that means ‘he who does meditation for entire life.’. Although it has been experiencing stresses and strains and has had ups and downs on account of the enormous diversity between the royal and the tribal ends, it has shown remarkable solidarity in recent years. Hypergamy tended to be associated with this hierarchy. Almost every village in this area included at least some Leva population, and in many villages they formed a large, if not the largest, proportion of the population. The number of tads in an ekda or go I might be two or more, and each of them might be an endogamous units. There was also a tendency among bachelors past marriageable age to es­tablish liaisons with lower-caste women, which usually led the couple to flee and settle down in a distant village. Meaning of Gajjar. India has thousands of castes and subcastes, … The migration of the Kolis of north Gujarat into central Gujarat and those of the latter into eastern Gujarat was a process of slow drift from one village to another over a period of time. Do you know of any more Gujarati surnames? For example, the Khadayata Brahmans worked as priests at important rituals among Khadayata Vanias. In most parts of Gujarat it merged into the various second-order divisions of the Koli division and possible also into the widespread tribe of Bhils. The prohibition of inter-division marriage was much more important than the rules of purity and pollution in the main­tenance of boundaries between the lower-order divisions. This reflects the high degree of divisiveness in castes in Gujarat. Until recently, sociologists and anthropologists described Indian society as though it had no urban component in the past. This has helped them to successfully emigrate and thrive around the world. He does not give importance to this possibility prob­ably because, as he goes on to state, “what is sought here is a universal formula, a rule without exceptions” (ibid.). The indigenous Kolis in the highland area of Pal in eastern Gujarat were called Palia, but there was another smaller population of KoUs, who were lo­cally called Baria but were actually Talapada immigrants from central Gujarat. For describing the divisions of the remaining two orders, it would be nec­essary to go on adding the prefix ‘sub’ but this would make the description extremely clumsy, if not meaningless. The point is that the Rajput hierarchy, with the princely families at the top, merged at the lower level imperceptibly into the vast sea of tribal and semi-tribal people like Bhils and Kolis. No analytical gains are therefore likely to occur by calling them by any other name. For example, in a Rajput kingdom the families of the Rajput king and his nobles resided in the capital town, while the Rajput landlords and cultivators resided in villages. Patidar (Gujarati પટેલ, paṭel, pronounced ) is an Indian title, in tune with the Hindu caste system, that represents some of the castes that are predominant in the Indian state of Gujarat that are either agriculturalists or land owners. Sometimes a division could even be a self-contained endogamous unit. Division and Hierarchy: An Overview of Caste in Gujarat! Although the number of inter-ekda marriages has been in­creasing, even now the majority of marriages take place within an ekda. Desai is a frequently used Gujarati surname composed of the Sanskrit  words ‘desa’ meaning country, and ‘swami’ meaning master or lord. We need to formulate some idea of the nature of the Indian urban society and its relation with the rural society in the past, at least at the beginning of the 19th century. Nevertheless, a breakdown of the population of Gujarat into major religious, caste and tribal groups according to the census of 1931 is pre­sented in the following table to give a rough idea of the size of at least some castes. Sometimes a division corresponding to a di­vision among Brahmans and Vanias was found in a third first-order division also. It has already been mentioned that every first-order division was not divided into second-order divisions, and that every second-order division was not divided into third-order divisions, and so on. Since Rajput as a caste occurred all over northern, central and western India (lit­erally, it means ruler’s son, ruling son), the discussion of Rajputs in Gujarat will inevitably draw us into their relationship with Rajputs in other regions. Parekh derives from the Sanskrit word ‘pariksaka,’ meaning an examiner. In any case, the population of any large caste was found in many kingdoms. (Frequently, such mod­els are constructed a priori rather than based on historical evidence, but that is another story). They were found in almost every village in plains Gu­jarat and in many villages in Saurashtra and Kachchh. Report a Violation, Caste Stratification: Changing Rural Caste Stratification, Caste in Rural India: Specificities of Caste in Rural Society. Systematic study of small caste divisions in villages as well as in towns still awaits the attention of sociologists and anthropologists. Typically, a village consists of the sections of various castes, ranging from those with just one household to those with over u hundred. The Brahmans were divided into such divisions as Audich, Bhargav, Disawal, Khadayata, Khedawal, Mewada, Modh, Nagar, Shrigaud, Shrimali, Valam, Vayada, and Zarola. The Sutradhar caste is subdivided into a number of subcastes including Bardhamenya, Mandaranya, Khadipeda, Astakul, and Airy. The surname thus refers to a treasurer. In all there were thirty to forty such divisions. At the other end were castes in which the principle of division had free play and the role of the principle of hierarchy was limited. Most of them were, true to their name, rulers at various levels of the po­litical hierarchy from the kingly level to the level of dominant caste in many villages. Gujarati caste name could indicate the type of work people belonging to the Gujarati caste do or did in earlier times. Caste associations have been formed on the lines of caste divisions. In most of the Hindu north Indian weddings, mangalsutra plays an important part and has a separate ceremony where the groom ties mangalsutra around the neck of his bride. The under­standing of changes in caste is not likely to be advanced by clubbing such diverse groups together under the rubric of ethnic group. The hypergamous tendency was never as sharp, pervasive and regular among the Vania divisions as among the Rajput’s, Leva Kanbis, Anavils and Khedawals. Further, “…the castes there are unable to take cognizance of each other in terms of hierarchy or of occupation, and it is in this situation that they can be said to exist by virtue of their differ­ences (296) …it is the systematic recognition of difference which is most apparent. 8 Benefits Of Dates During Pregnancy And How They Ease Labor, 5 Effective Ways To Stop Your Kid From Biting Nails, 81 Artsy Bohemian Baby Names For Boys And Girls, 100 Western-Sounding Indian Names That Are Easy To Pronounce, 100 Most Popular Hispanic Girl Names For Your Baby, 100 Common Chinese Last Names Or Surnames With Meanings. In the city, on the other hand, the population was divided into a large number of castes and each of most of them had a large population, frequently subdivided up to the third or the fourth or­der. In the case of some of them the small population was so dispersed that a division such as that of barbers, blacksmiths, or carpenters, would be represented by only one or two households in each village and by a sig­nificant number of households in towns. Another clearly visible change in caste in Gujarat is the emergence of caste associations. Dalal derives from the Arabic word ‘dallal’ or ‘aldilal,’ which means an ‘auctioneer.’ The surname Dalal would have been an occupational one for those who worked as traders, brokers, or merchants. In a paper on Caste among Gujaratis in East Africa, Pocock (1957b) raised pointedly the issue of the relative importance of the principles of division (he called it ‘difference’) and hierarchy. Village studies, as far as caste is a part of them, have been, there fore, concerned with the interrelations between sections of various castes in the local context. With the exclusion of caste (except scheduled caste) from the census since 1951 (practically since 1941, because the census of that year did not result in much reporting), writings on castes as horizontal units greatly declined. The two together formed a single complex of continental dimension. It is argued that the various welfare programmes of each caste association, such as provision of medi­cal facilities, scholarships and jobs for caste members contribute, in however small a way, to the solution of the nation’s problems. These divisions have, however, been kept out of the present analysis for reasons which have become well known to students of Hindu society since the 1950s. The tad thus represented the fourth and last order of caste divisions. How many sub-divisions existed in the various divisions of the various orders is a matter of empirical investiga­tion. The error is further compounded when—although this is less common—the partial, rural model of traditional caste is com­pared with the present urban situation, and conclusions are drawn about overall change. The Gujarati are known as being resourceful businessmen. Castes which did not sit together at public feasts, let alone at meals in homes, only 15 or 20 years ago, now freely sit together even at meals in homes. Daruwala is a composite of the Gujarati words ‘daru,’ meaning  alcohol, and ‘wala,’ which means seller or maker. Whatever the internal organization of a second-order division, the relationship between most of the Brahman second-order divisions was marked by great emphasis on being different and separate than on being higher and lower. We shall return to the Rajput-Koli relationship when we consider the Kolis in detail. The Kolis seem to have had only two divisions in every part of Gujarat: for example, Talapada (indigenous) and Pardeshi (foreign) in central Gujarat and Palia and Baria in eastern Gujarat (significantly, one considered indigenous and the other outsider). Far too many studies of changes in caste in mod­ern India start with a general model of caste in traditional India which is in fact a model of caste in traditional rural India. We will now analyze the internal structure of a few first-order divisions, each of which was split into divisions going down to the fourth order. …Further, during this lengthy process of slow amalgamation those who will marry in defiance of the barriers of sub-caste, will still be imbued with caste mentality” (1932: 184). They are described by the ruling elite as robbers, dacoits, marauders, predators and the like. It has been pointed out earlier that an emphasis on the principle of di­vision existed in the caste system in urban centres in traditional India. The two areas merge gradually, and my field work covered most of the spectrum. Frequently, social divisions were neatly expressed in street names. The main point is that we do not completely lose sight of the lowest boundary among these three hypergamous divisions as we do among the Rajput’s. It is not easy to find out if the tads became ekdas in course of time and if the process of formation of ekdas was the same as that of the formation of tads. In other words, it did not in­volve a big jump from one place to another distant place. For example, just as there was a Shrimali division among Sonis (goldsmiths). They had an internal hierarchy similar to that of the Leva Kanbis, with tax-farmers and big landlords at the top and small landowners at the bot­tom. Frequently, each such unit had a patron deity, housed in a large shrine, with elaborate ar­rangements for its ownership. most preference MDS,MBBS,MD,MS,B.TECH - MBA. The surname originates from ‘dvivedi,’ a Sanskrit word referring to one who has studied and mastered two Vedas. Difference between caste and sub-caste is not clear-cut. Apparently this upper boundary of the division was sharp and clear, especially when we remember that many of these royal families practised polygyny and female infanticide until middle of the 19th century (see Plunkett 1973; Viswa Nath 1969, 1976). Dowry not only continues to be a symbol of status in the new hierarchy but is gradually replacing bride price wherever it ex­isted, and dowry amounts are now reaching astronomical heights. There would be a wide measure of agreement with him on both these counts. I am not suggesting that the principle of hierarchy was insignificant in the inter- or intra-caste relations in urban centres. To obtain a clear understanding of the second-order divisions with the Koli division, it is necessary first of all to find a way through the maze of their divisional names. Leva Kanbis, numbering 400,000 to 500,000 m 1931, were the tradi­tional agricultural caste of central Gujarat. The degree of contravention is highest if the couple belong to two different first-order divisions. Leva Sheri and Kadva Sheri, named after the two major second-order divisions among the Kanbis. While these two sub-communities resided in the same villages, they did not inter-dine or inter-marry. Although some of them set up shops in villages they rarely became full-fledged members of the village community. I have discussed above caste divisions in Gujarat mainly in the past, roughly in the middle of the 19th century. Roughly, while in the plains area villages are nucleated settlements, populated by numerous castes, in the highland area villages are dispersed settlements, populated by tribes and castes of tribal origin. The essential idea in the category was power, and anybody who wielded power—either as king or as dominant group in a rural (even tribal) area—could claim to be Rajput. One of the reasons behind underplaying of the principle of division by Dumont as well as by others seems to be the neglect of the study of caste in urban areas (see Dumont’s remarks in 1972: 150). The Bania (also spelled as Baniya, Banija, Banya, Vaniya, Vani, Vania and Vanya) is an occupational community of merchants, bankers, money-lenders, and (in modern times) owners of commercial enterprises. They married their daughters into higher Rajput lineages in the local area who in turn married their daugh­ters into still higher nearly royal rajput lineages in Saurashtra and Kachchh. Our analysis of caste in towns has shown how it differed significantly from that in villages. In effect, the Vania popu­lation in a large town like Ahmedabad could have a considerable number of small endogamous units of the third or the fourth order, each with its entire population living and marrying within the town itself. But during the 18th century, when the Mughal Empire was disinte­grating, a large number of small kingdoms came into existence, and each had a small capital town of its own. There was also another kind of feast, called bhandaro, where Brahmans belonging to a lesser number of divisions (say, all the few in a small town) were invited. The Hindu and Muslim kingdoms in Gujarat during the medie­val period had, of course, their capital towns, at first Patan and then Ahmedabad. The surname thus is an occupational one and refers to someone who comes from a family of masons or artisans. The family to which I belong, broadly Gandhian in belief, had rarely talked about our caste or sub-caste. While almost all the social structures and institutions which existed in villages—religion, caste, fam­ily, and so on—also existed in towns, we should not assume that their character was the same. The castes of the three categories—primarily urban, primarily rural, and rural-cum-urban—formed an intricate network spread over the rural and urban communities in the region. While some of the divisions of a lower order might be the result of fission, some others might be a result of fusion. ... Gajjar is a surname/title representing a sub-caste of Gujarati's from Hindu Suthar community. A new view of the whole, comprising the rural and the urban and the various orders of caste divisions, should be evolved. I hope to show that the integration of the study of caste in urban areas with that of rural areas is essential to a comprehensive understanding of caste and its implications for Indian society and culture. TOS 7. First, since the tads were formed relatively recently, it is easier to get information about their formation than about the formation of ekdas. The Gujarati surname ‘Choksi’ derives its name from the Gujarati word ‘Coksi,’ which means ‘assayer of gold and silver.’. Each unit was ranked in relation to others, and many members of the lower units married their daughters into the higher units, so that almost every unit became loose in the course of time. Acharya, a common Gujarati surname, derives its name from ’Acarya,’ a Sanskrit word for a spiritual leader, or the ‘one who teaches conduct.’, The surname originates from a Sanskrit word that means ‘best among priests who perform Yagna.’. Gujarati surnames and last names come with varying backgrounds— occupational, toponymic, and ethnic. Although my knowledge is fragmentary, I thought it was worthwhile to put together the bits and pieces for the region as a whole. Modi has an occupational origin, and refers to those who came from the community of ‘Bania,’ which originally consisted of merchants, traders, money-lenders, and shopkeepers. Hence as we go down the hierarchy we encounter more and more debates regarding the claims of particular lineages to being Rajput so much so that we lose sight of any boundary and the Rajput division merges impercepti­bly into some other division. The Khadayatas were divided into about 30 ekdas. The tribal groups in the highland area, such as the Bhils and Naikdas, also did not have any urban component. The Kayatias’ main oc­cupation was to perform a ritual on the eleventh day after death, during which they took away offerings made to ghosts: this was the main cause of their extremely low status among Brahmans. In any case, castes are not likely to cease to be castes in the consciousness of people in the foreseeable future. These prefixes Visa and Dasa, were generally un­derstood to be derived from the words for the numbers 20 (vis) and 10 (das), which suggested a descending order of status, but there is no definite evidence of such hierarchy in action. Among the first-order divisions with subdivisions going down to the fourth order, there are associations for divisions of all the orders. Till the establishment of democratic polity in 1947, hardly any caste association in Gujarat had manifest political functions. All rights reserved. Other Backward Class (OBC) is a collective term used by the Government of India to classify castes which are educationally or socially disadvantaged. On the other hand, there was an almost simultaneous spurt in village studies. The asso­ciations’ activities in the field of marriage, such as reform to customs, rituals and ceremonies, and encouragement of inter-divisional marriages, are also seen by the members as a service to the nation—as the caste’s method of creating a casteless modern society. In each of these three divisions the top stratum was clear. The change from emphasis on hierarchy to emphasis on division is becoming increasingly significant in view of the growth of urban population both in absolute number and in relation to the total population. This does not solve the problem if there are four orders of divisions of the kind found in Gujarat. It used to have a panch (council of leaders) and sometimes also a headman (patel). Gujarati Surname (or family name) Goradia has Indian origin, most common language spoken by them is Gujarati , they are originated and/or found widely in Gujarat state Similar sounding surnames: Goradia , … Image Guidelines 5. The highland Bhils seem to have provided brides to lower Rajput’s on the other side of the highlands also, i.e., to those in Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh (see, for example, Doshi, 1971: 7f., 13-15; Aurora 1972: 16, 32f.). I would suggest that this feature of urban caste, along with the well known general tendency of urban culture to encourage innovation, provided the ground—however diffuse that ground might have been—for a favourable response to the anti-hierarchical ideas coming from the West. The two categories of castes have been deeply conscious of these differences be­tween them and have been talking freely about them. By the beginning of British rule in the early 19th century, a considerable number of these chieftains had succeeded in establishing petty chiefdoms, each composed of one, and occasionally more than one, village, in all parts of Gujarat. The advance made in recent years is limited and much more needs to be done. The surname is a toponymic one, and refers to those who originally belonged to the village of Kotadiya, in Jamnagar district of Gujarat. They worked not only as high priests but also as bureaucrats. It was originally an occupational name for someone who produces or sells alcohol. Gujarat did not have anything like the non-Brahmin movement of South India and Ma­harashtra before 1947. The exact meaning of the surname is unknown. There was considerable elaboration in ur­ban areas of what Ghurye long ago called the community aspect of caste (1932: 179) and frequently, this led to juxtaposition rather than hierarchy between caste divisions of the same order. Those days, though a “Shah”, I had still not become fully caste conscious. The idea of inter-caste marriage is, moreover, linked with the idea of creating such a society involves a compromise with, if not subtle negation of, the ideal. Traditionally, the Brahman division was supposed to provide the priests for the corresponding divisions. Srinivas has called the unity of the village manifested in these interrelations the vertical unity of the village (1952: 31f. Ideally, castes as horizontal units should he discussed with the help of population figures. Thus, at one end, there were first-order divisions, each of which was sub-divided up to the fourth-order, and at the other end there were first-order divisions which were not further divided at all. The word Jain comes from the Sanskrit word ‘jina,’ which means victory. The surname thus has an occupational origin. The marital alliances of the royal families forming part of the Maratha confederacy, and of the royal families of Mysore in south India and of Kashmir and Nepal in the north with the royal families of Gujarat and Rajasthan show, among other things, how there was room for flexibility and how the rule of caste en­dogamy could be violated in an acceptable manner at the highest level. The surname is derived from the Sanskrit word ‘gandha,’ meaning  fragrance. The emphasis on being different and separate rather than on being higher and lower was even more marked in the relationship among the forty or so second-order divisions. Brahmin is des­ignated both as a Varna and a caste. Many last names in India indicate the place the person originally belongs to. Unfortunately, although the Kolis are an important element in Gujarat’s population, their earlier ethnography is confusing, and there is hardly any modern, systematic, anthropological, sociological or historical study, so that the confusion continues to persist. A recent tendency in sociological literature is to consider jatis as castes. The urban community included a large number of caste groups as well as so­cial groups of other kinds which tended to be like communities with a great deal of internal cohesion. But this is not enough. For example, just as there were Modh Vanias, there were Modh Brahmans, and similarly Khadayata Vanias and Khadayata Brahmans, Shrimali Vanias and Shrimali Brahmans, Nagar Vanias and Nagar Brahmans, and so on. Radhvanaj Rajputs were clearly distinguished from, and ranked much above local Kolis. For example, if they belonged to two different second-order divisions, such as Shrimali and Modh, the punish­ment would be greater than if they belonged to two different ekdas within the Shrimali or the Modh division. The ekdas have not yet lost their identities. However, the design is independent of the caste/sub-caste of the bride or groom, unlike the mangalsutras of Tamilnadu that you will get to know about later in this post. While we can find historical information about the formation of ek­das and tads there are only myths about the formation of the numerous second-order divisions. The population of certain first-order divisions lived mainly in vil­lages. The Rajput’s, in association with the Kolis, were probably the only hori­zontal unit which had continuous internal hierarchy, i.e., hypergamy unbroken by any endogamous subdivisions, and which did not have dis­cernible boundaries at the lowest level. The Rajput’s’ relationship with the Kolis penetrated every second-or­der division among them, i.e., Talapada, Pardeshi, Chumvalia, Palia, and so on. Subcaste definition is - a caste that is a subdivision of a larger caste. Fortunately, they have now started writing about it (see Rao 1974). Thus, finding any boundary between Rajput’s and Kolis in the horizontal context was impossible, although there were sharp boundaries between the two in the narrow local context.
sub caste meaning in gujarati 2021